266 NUMERALS, PRONOUNS, INDECLIN ABLES absent elsewhere (Lat. mihi, tibi, Umbr. mehe, tefe, O. SI. tebS, O. Pruss. tebbei ), and it is therefore to be regarded as a post- position which has become attached to the original case form. The h ( <gh) in Skt. mdhyam) is shown to be original as opposed to the -b- in the Avestan form, because it appears also in Italic. The -u- of tubhyam is peculiar to Sanskrit ; all the other lan- guages have forms derived from original te-. The gen. sg. tava (: Av. tava) representing IE *tdwo is an uninflected thematic adjectival stem, and therefore an isolated survival of archaic IE usage. Elsewhere this stem is found inflected as a full adjective : Gk. red?, Lat. tuus . On this analogy mama may be explained as a substitute for *dma f the initial m- being intro- duced from the rest of the paradigm. This *ama would corre- spond to the stem of Gk. ifios * my ' in the same way as tava to reos. Such an IE form of gen. sg. is represented in Armenian im . The gen. sg. in Iranian (Av. mana, 0. Pers. mana) which corresponds exactly to that of Slavonic (0, SI. mene) is a dif- ferent formation, containing an w-suffix which in Germanic is attached to the diphthongal base (Goth, meina ). The nom. pi. vaydm (: Av. vaem) contains the same additional element -am that appears in the nom. sg. It points to an original IE wei which appears in Gothic with the secondary addition of the plural -s [wets, cf. also Hitt. well), This -s appears also in the nom. pi. of the second person in Av. ytil, Goth, jus, Lith. jus. A second form yuhm exists in Avestan with the addition of the common pronominal termination -am. In Sanskrit yuydm the -am is added to the stem without -s, with the intervention of a -y- taken from vaydm. The cases of the plural from the accusative on are made from the bases asmd- and yusmd - to w T hich corespond exactly Gk. (Aeol.) a/i/xe and v/x/xe. The as- of the first person is for ns - ( = Goth, uns) which is explained as the weak grade of the form of the pronoun which is used as an enclitic, nas . It is possible that in yusmd - the initial y has been secondarily introduced from the nom. pL, and that an original *us- was in the same way the weak form of vas. The stem extension resembles that in the masc. sg. of the demonstrative pronouns [tdsmat, etc.). These bases originally d:ook the inflections of the singular, and the introduction of the plural termination is of comparatively recent origin. The old state of affairs is still preserved in the dative and ablative : asmabhyam (: Av. ahmaibyd ), yusmd-
