हम्मीरमहाकाव्यम्/FOREWORD

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हम्मीरमहाकाव्यम् FOREWORD नयचन्द्रसूरिः

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THE HAMMÎRA MAHÂKÂVYA

OF NAYACHANDRA SÚRI.

---

 Dr. Büblor, in his Introduction to the Vikramanka Charitra, (p. 2), mentions the Hammiramardana or “The destruction of Hammira,” as an historical Sanskrit poem that was existent some ninety years ago in the Jain library at Jesalmir. I have recently obtained a work, written in the Jain character, styled The Hammira Mahākāvya, which, notwithstanding the difference of the title, I presume is a copy of the same work as that which was once in the Jésalmir Saraswati Bhāndār, since it ends with the death of Hammira and a lamentation over the event. Colonel Ted, indeed, mentions in his Rajasthan a Hammira Kāvya and a Hammira Rásá, both composed, he says, by Sarangadhara , whom he makes the bard of Hammira Chohan of Ranathambhor. We have the authority of Šárañgadhara himself for stating that he was not contemporary with Hammira Chohan of Ranathambhör, and that his grandfather, Raghunatha , was that prince's Guru or spiritual teacher. Sarangadhara in his Paddhati, and Gadadhara, in his Rasika Jivan, under the head of “anonymous," quote some verses relating to Hammira that have no place in the present Kávya. Appaiya Dikshita, also, in his Kuvalayananda, cites a verse as an instance of the Akramatisayokti Alamkâra of which the subject is Hammîra, and which is not to be found in the work of our author. This shows that there must be some other poem in Sanskrit bearing the name of Hammíra Kávya; but it may be doubted whether it has any reference to the history of the hero of our poem. Colonel Ted does not inform us in what language the Hammira Kavya and the Hammira Rasawere written, though he says he possessed both, and mostly translated with the assistance of his Jain Guru. He does not attempt anything like a connected narrative of Hammira. Indeed, what he says incidentally of Hammira does not at all relate to any one individual of that name, but is a jumble of anecdotes relating to several distinct personages bearing the same name.

 I obtained thọ Hammira Mahẩkầvya through Mr. Govinda Śāstri Nirantar of Nāsik, who got it from a friend of his.

 The colophon reads-" Tho present copy was made for the purpose of reading by Nayahahamsa, a pupil of Jayasimha Súri, at Firuzpur, in the month of Śrāvana of the Samvat year 1542” (A.C 1496). Possibly this was made from the poet's original Copy, and, as such, possesses an interest of its own.

 Nayachandra Suri's work, as a political composition, has considerable merits, and deserves publication as a specimen of the historical poems so rarely met with in the range of Sanskrit literature. Though the author did not live, like Bana and Bilhana, in the reign of the hero whose history ho colobrates, yet his work is not of lesş historcal importance than theirs. The information that the poems of Bana and Bilhana contain, has been made accessible to English readers through the labours of two eminent European Sanskritists. Tho present attempt to place the English reader in possession of the historical information contained in the Hammira Kavya will, I presume, be acceptable to those who are interested in the advancement of our knowledge of Indian history.

 Following the custom of other writers in Samskrit, who have attempted historical compositions, our author dovotes the greator part of on entire chapter, the fourteenth and last, to an account of his lineage, and the reasons that led to the production of his work. Part of this will bear reproduction here in an English dress:--

 “IIail, Krishna Chachha, who gladdened the whole earth, the beauty of whose person was like that of a blooming bunch of the Nuvajáli flower, and whose praises were oelebrated by crowds of learned men, who might well bo compared to so many black humming-bees;–he whose feet were ever borne on the crowns of the followers of the Jain religion !

 “In the circle of the Suris, whose actions are the homes of' wonders, in time, Jayasimha Suri was born, who was the crowning ornament of the wise; who easily vanquished in disputation Saranga, who was the leading poet among those who were able to write poetical compositions in six languages, and who was honest among the most honest; who wrote three works,— (1) Nyáya Sárațiká, (2) A New Grammar, (3) A. Poem on Kumâra Nripali, and who hence became known as the chief of those who know the three sciences of logic, grammar, and poesy,

 “To tho lotus-like Gädi of Jayasimha, Nayachandra is like the life-giving sun ; who is the essence of the knowledge of the sciences, who is the exciting moon to the sea of the races of the poets. This poet, has spirits raised to the height of the subject by a revelation imparted to him in a dream by the king Hammiraa hímself, has composed this poem ^[१],” which is gratifyimg to the assembly of the kings, and in which the heroic (rasa) is developed.

 “Tho author in lineal descent is the grandson of Jayasimha Suri, the great poet, but in that of poesy his son.

 “Let not good readers take into much account the faults of expression that, I may have fallen into. How can I, who am of mean capacity, escape stepping into that path which even poets like Kālidāsa^[२] were not able to avoid ? But a poem that is replete with good matter loses none of its value for a few commonplaces of expression,”.

 The poem begins, as is usual with Sanskrit authors, with invocations addressed to several deities, and the author has been at the pains of making the invocations seem applicable to both the Hindu gods and some of the Tirthankaras of the Jainas. This procedure calls for remark. Nayachandra Sūri, as his name implies, is a Jain by persuasion, and his seeming to invoke blessings at the hands of the most prominent members of the orthodox Hindu pantheon is to be explained either by the freedom of thought so characteristic of the age in which the author lived, when the narrow and bigoted intolerance even of the Muslim had begun to appreciate the beauties of the allegorical language of the Hindu popular religion, or by the strong desire of writing dwayartha (having two meanings') verses, with which the author seems possessed.”^[३]

 The hero of the poem is Hammira Chohan of Ranathambapura (Ranathambhor), a name celebrated in Hindi song. Hammira is one of those later heroes of India, who measured their swords with the Muhammadan conquerors and fell in the defence of their independence. Even the history of the conquered is not without interest. The man who fights against hope, -fights because he thinks it is his duty to do so,- who scorns to bow his neck before the oppressor, because he thinks such a course opposed to the ways of his ancient house, deserves our sympathy and our admiration, Hammira is such a character. The poet places him on par with Mandata , Yudhishthira, and Rama. This is poetical exaggeration, but we have no mean measure of praise in the following verses; and the grounds of eminence mentioned are some of the proudest that a Rājput can cherish, and a rigid maintenance of which singles out the race of the Sisodyàs of Udayapur and the Haras of Koţå and Bundi as the noblest among the chivalry of Rājasthān;--

"सत्वैकवृतेः किल यस्य राज्यश्रेियो विलासा अपि जीवितं च ।

शकाय पुत्रीं शरणागताश्चाऽप्रयच्छतः किं तृणमप्यऽभवन् ॥"

 Born in the noble house of the Chohans, to whom, as Ted observes, “the palm of bravery amongst the Rājput races must be assigned,” Hammira tried to uphold the independence of his race and to make its usages respected, and was for a time pre-eminently successful in his wars against his enemies. Some of these were undertaken to protect those who had sought refuge with him (śaraná), and so far were disinterested. Indeed, he fell in a war undertaken to protect a Mongol nobleman who had fled to him from the tyranny of 'Alāud-din, “In the third year of the reign of 'Alāud-din, a nobleman whom he had disgrced took refuge with Hammira, the Chohān prince of Ranathaibhör, one of the strongest forts in India, ‘Alāud-din demanded the delinquent of the Hindu monarch, who nobly replied that the sun would sooner rise in the west, and Sumoru be levelled with the earth, than he would break his plighted faith to the unfortunate refugee. The siege of Raņathambore was immediately commenced, and the fort was at length captured, but the heroic Hammira fell in its defence; and the females of his family, determining not to survive him, perished on the funeral pile.” This history of Hammira supplies some information which the sentimental and enthusiastic annalist, of Råjasthån would have gladly interwoven into the pages of his work, and which sheds fresh light on the eventful period in which the hero lived.

 The Hammâra Mahākāvya is divided into fourteen cantos, of which the first four are concerned with the hero's ancestors-the Chohans, many of whom wore paramount lords of India. 'The empire belongs to the Chohán' is an admitted Indian historical fiction, and the mere mention of the names of the old kings, many of whom were the lords paramount of India, accompanied as it is with much poetical nonsense, carries our knowledge of them a step further than the researches of Colonels Wilford and Ted.

 The narrative is, all through, very uneven. "The genealogy of the Chohans, as given in the first three chapters, though with some more names than are to be found in Ted's list, cannot be regarded as satisfactory. The author really knew nothing more about the ancient kings of the race ; the names are simply brought in to give him opportunities of displaying his power for poetical conceits, and thus the accounts of the princes about whom he had no-historical information are filled with fanciful Conceptions, in which some of the natural phenomena are explained with admirable contempt of the teachings of the “proud philosophy” of Nature. From Prithvirâja Chohần to the death of Hammira the narrative is fairly historic; but the author now and then even here, relapses into rhapsody which amounts to a confession of his ignorance of the historical facts of the reign in hand.  CantosV-VII. of the poem are taken up, according to the rules of Sanskrit epic poetry, with descriptions of the seasons, and the Sports and festivities in which Hammira engaged. These cantos, as not possessing any historical value, may be ignored in this precis of the poem. I pass over a long lecture also on Nitiástra which Jäitrasingh, the father of Hammira, is made to deliver to Hammira. Chaand gives a similar dissertation on grammar in his Prithvirája Rấsam.

 With these introductory remarks, I come to the Purvaja Varnanam, i. e., the account of the ancestry of Hammira; ; and, in order to give some faint, idea of the author's style of writing, I shall, in the following, attempt some sort of translation of the first few reigns. The syle throughout is so ornate, inflated, and redundant, and the tendency of the author to punning is so persistent, that a longer translation is as difficult as the task would be tedious —

 “Once upon a time, Brahma wandered in search of a holy place where to hold a sacrifice. Tho lotus which he held in his land fell on the ground, as if unable to bear the superior beauty of the lotus-like palm of the god. The god from this circumstance regarded the spot, where the lotus fell as an auspicious one, and there, freed fröm anxiety, commenced the sacrifice, Anticipating persecution from the Danavas, the god remembered the thousand rayed one (the Sun), when a being, his face surrounded by a halo of radiance, came down from tho orb of the sun. Him, the destroyer, Brahma appointed to the work of protecting the sacrifice.

 I. “From that day the place where the lotus fell has been called Pushkara, and he who came down from the sun the Chohan^[४]. Having obtained the paramount power from the four-faced Creator, he ruled over the heads of the kings, as his ancestor the sun rules over the heads of tho mountains. Bali, mortified at seeing the glory of his charity eclipsed by the greater charity of this king, has hidden himself in the neither world ; for what else could a man afflicted with shame do? The moon, taken to task by this prince for attempting to rival his glory, every month hides himself, through fear, in the sun's disk, and comes out as if desirous of propitiating the offended king by presenting him with the brilliant orb. The fire of the king's valour has so burnt the gardens of the fame of his enemies, that tho smoke issuing from the conflagration, ascending into the atmosphere, has to this day left its mark in the blue sky. The Seshanaga, when he heard of the fame of this prince, was tempted to nod approval, but, fearing that the earth resting on his hoods might be thereby convulsed with pain, refrained from giving way to the generous impulse. Angry that his son should rival him in glory, the king deprived tho ocean of his wealth of gravity. Are not sometimes fathers made to suffer for the faults of their sons? By the name of Chohan, this prince became the shoot of the family tree, served by the poets; famous in the three worlds; the bearer in abundance of human pearls. In this family rose many a monarch surrounded by a halo of glory, whose lives, beautified with the triple acquisition^[५]," are able to destroy mountains of sins.

 II. Vasudeva-“In process of time Deeksita Vasudeva was born, who conquered tho world by his valour; who seemed the very incarnation of Väsudeva come down to this earth for the destruction of the demon Šakás. He whetted his sword, blunt with striking down the heads of his enemies, in the fire of his valour, and then cooled the steel in the water of the tears gushing from the eyes'of the wives of his enemies. The goddess of victory,as if enamoured of this prince, shone in his hand in the battle-. field in the disguise of his sword red with the blood of the heads of his enemies that he had severed. In the field of battle when the martial bands were playing, and the gods in the heavens viewing the performance, the king caused the goddess of victory to dance in the guise of his quivering sword. Does not the sun, surpassed by this prince in brilliancy, drown himself in the deep, and—alas! for the pain of dying—come every day above the waters in his struggles?”

 III. Naradeva —“Väsudeva begat Naradeva, this to be praised by Brahmā himself; the delight of the eyes of woman - his body surpassing in beauty that of Cupid himself. When this king went out into the world, the other chiefs, to protect their possessions, did not take the sword out of its sheath, but only took wealth from their coffers. In the battlefield his arms, bearing the brilliant while sword, bore the beauties of the Eastern Mountains, destroying the freshness of the lotuses of the faces of his enemies. It is but natural that the fire of the king's valour should have burnt down the forests of iniquity, but it is strange that the rare fire should have filled his enemies with cold shakings. Methinka the sun, with his progeny, in token of submission, had fixed this abode in the toe-mails of this prince.”

 IV. “ Chandrarāja by his fame and the beauty of him countenance, achieving a double conquest over the moon, vìndicacated the appropriate significance of his name, which means ‘Lord of the moon.’ Strange was the power of the fire of valour, for it burnt bright in the enemy in whom the stream of bravery flowed, while it was extinguished in that enemy who was destitute of this stream,” &c.

 The above paragraphs may suffice to show the style of false eulogy used by the poet in disposing of those princes of whom be had no historical imformatiom to give. The same similes occur again and again, and often the language is stiff and artificial.

 I subjoin a list of the Chohan princes up to Hammira as given by our author, and below that given by Tod in his Rájasthán –  (1) Chahaman (Canto I sh,11-25).
 (2) Vasudeva (ib.26-30).
 (3) Naradeva (ib,31-36).
 (4) Chandraräja (ib,37-40).
 (5) Jayapala Chakri (ib,41-52).
 (6) Jayaraja (ib,53-57).
 (7) Samanta Simha (ib,58.62).
 (8) Guyaka (ib,63-68).
 (9) Nandan (ib,67-71).
 (10) Vapra Rája (ib,72-81).
 (11) Hari Raja (ib,82-87).
 (12) Simha Rája (ib, 88-102)—(killed Hetim, the Muhammadan general, and captured four elephants in the battle).
 (13) Bhima (nephew of Simha, adopted by him) (Čanto II.sl,1-6).
 (14) Vigraha Raja (killed Mula Raja of Gujarât,^[६] and conquered the country) (ib,7-9),
 (15) Gañgadeva (ib,10-15).
 (16) Vallabha Rája (ib,16-18).
 (17) Rama (ib.19-21).
 (18) Châmunda Raja (killed Hejama’d-dîn) (lb. 22-24),
 (19) Durlabha Rājā (conquered Shahabu’d-din)(ib,26-28).
 (20) Duśala(killed Karunadeva^[७] )(ib,29-32).
 (21) Visvala (Visaldeva), killed Shahaúbuʼd-din.(ib, 33-37).
 (22) Prithvi Raja I, (ib,38.40),  (23) Alhann (ib, 41-44).
 (24) Analn (dug a tank at Ajmer) (ib. 45-51).
 (25) Jagadeva (ib., 52-55).
 (26) Visala (ib, 56-59).
 (27) Jayapaln (ib. 60-62).
 (28) Gangapála (íb, 63-66).
 (29) Someşvara (married Karpura Devi, or, according to Ted. Rnkadevî, daughtor of Anangapâla Tunñar of Dehli) (ib. 67-74).
 (30) Prithvi Raja,II, (Canto II. sloka 75—Canto III, sloka, 72).
 (31) Hari Raja, (ib, 91)(Canto III, Bloka, 73-Ganbo IV, Sloka 19).
 (32) Govinda of Rannathalhbor, father of (Canto IV. sloka 20–31).
 (33) Bålbana—had two sons-Prahlada and Vågbhata (Canto IV, sloka, 32—40).
 (34) Prahlâda (som of Bålbaņa). (41–71).
 (35) Viranårayana (son of Prahlåda) (72–106).
 (36) Vågbhața (son of Balbana) (106–130).
 (37) Jaitrasingh (son of Vågbhata).
 (38) Hammira (son of Jaitrasingh) (canto IV,143-canto XIII sloka 225).

Genealogy of tho Choháns as given by Ted :--
 Anhala or Agnipîïla (the first Chohan ; probable poriod 650 before
Vikrama, whom an invasion of the Tarnshkas took place; established
Mâkâvati Nagri (Garha Mandala); conquered the Konkaņa, Aser, Golkonda.
 Suvacha.
 Mallana.
 Galan Sûr.
 Ajipāla Chakravārtti (universal potentate; founder of Ajmer-
somo authorities any in 202 of Vikrama; authors of the Virataḥ
Samavat; the latter is the most probable)^[८].
 Dola Rāya (slain, and lost Ajmer, on the first irruption of the Muhammadans S 741, A.D. 685).
 Manikya Raya (founded Sâmbhar; hence the title of Sâmbhari Rao
borne by the Chohán princes his issue: slain by the Mosque invaders under Abu'l Aas).^[९]
 Harsharájú or Harihara Rai (defeated Naziru'd-din [qu, Subakte. gin ?], thence styled “Sulțângråha’).
 Bir Billandeva, (Balianga Râi or Dharmagachha; slain defending Ajmer against Mahmud of Ghazni).
 Bisaldeva (classically Viśaladeva); his period from various inscriptions, S, 1066 to S, 1130.
 Sarañgadēva, his son (died in nonage).
 Ána Deva (constructed the Aná Ságar as Ajmer, which still bears his name), his sons—
 Jayapåla or Jayasimha (A.D. 977) fathar of—
 Hursapål (Hispâl of Ferishtah).
 Ajaya Deva or Anandeva, son of Jayapâla (A.D. 1000); Bijyadeva and Udayadeva were his brothers.
 Someşvara, son of Ajaya Deva, married Rukābāi, the daughter of
Anangapāla of Dehli. His brothers were Kanbarãi and Jaitrašimha,
Goelwâl Kanharầi's son İśvaradâs turned Muhammadan.
 Prithvi Rājā (A.D. 1176), son of Someşvara, obtained Dehli; slain by Shahábu'd-din, S,1949, A.D. 1193.
 Renast (A.D. 1192), son of Prithvirija, slain in the sack of Dehli.
 Vijayaråja, son of Chohadadeva, the second son of Someśvara
(adopted successor to Prithvirája; his name is on the pillar at Dehii).
 Läkhansi, son of Vijayarāja, had twenty-one sons; seven of whom
were legitimate, the others illegitimate, and founders of mixed
tribes, From Iakhansi there were twenty-six generations to Nonad
Simha, the chief of Nimrånå (in Col. Tod's time), the nearest lineal
descendant of Ajayapāla and Prithvirāja).

 As observed before, up to the time of Prithviraja, the last
great Chohān, the poem is made up mostly of poetical bombast,
in which, at intervals, a grain of historical matter may be
found concealed under bushels of poetical chaff. It is therefore useless to give a further analysis of this part of the poem. I begin with Somesvara, tho father of Prithvi Rája.

 After the death of Gangadeva, who was brave like Bhishma of old, Somesvara became king. He was married to Karpura Devi, who gave birth to a son as the east gives birth to the cold-rayed beautiful disk of the moon. This son was named Prithviraja by the king his father. Day by day the child throve, and grew up A strong and healthy boy. After he had acquired proficiency in letters and arms, Somesvara installed him on the gadi, and himself retiring into the woods died in the practice of the yoga. As the eastern mountain shines beautiful by the rays that, it receives from the author of day, so did Prithviàja Shine in the royal insignia obtained from his father.

 While Prithviraja was ruling over his subjects with justice, and keeping his enemies in terror, Shahābū’d-din was vigorously trying to subjugate the earth. 'l'ho kings of the West, suffering greatly at his hands, chose Šri Chandraraja,son of Govindaraja,as their spokosman, and in a body camo to Prithviraja, After the customary presents had been offred, the suppliant kings seated themselves in tho presence of Prithvirája, who, seeing the gloom of their countenances, asked the reason of their sorrow.Chandraraja replied to him that a Muhammadan named Shahabu’d dîn had arisen for the destruction of kings, and that he had pillaged and burnt most of their cities, defiled their women, and reduced them altogether to a miserable plight. “Sire,"said he, "there is scarcely a mountain-point valley in the country but is filled to suffocation with Rajputs who have fled thither før protection from his tyranny. A Rājput has but lo appear before him in arms, whom at once he is transferred to Yama's gloomy realm. Mob thinks Shahabud'din is Parasurama come down to this earth again for the exterpation of the warrior caste. The people are so panic-stricken that they abstain from most, and, not knowing from what quarter he may appear, circumspectly raise their eyes in every direction. The noblest of the Rajput families have disappeared before him, and he has now established his capital at Multán. The Rajas now come to seek the protection of your Majesty against this unrelenting enemy and his causeless persecution.”

 Príthvíråja was filled with anger whom he heard this account of the misdeeds of Shahâbu’d-dîn, his land was raised to his moustaché by the vehemence of his feelings, and he declared to the assembled princes that he would force this Shahabu'd-din to beg their pardon on his knees with his hands and feet heavily manacled and fettered, else he were no true Chohan.

 After some days, Prithviraja, with an efficient army, set out for Multan, and after several marches entered into the enemies country. Shahabud-dîn, whom he heard of the king's approach, also advanced to encounter him. In the battle which ensued, Prithviràja took Shāhābu'l-din captive, and was thus enabled to fulfil his vow for he obliged the haughty Muhammadan on his knees to ask forgiveness of the princes whom he had despoiled. His vow now fulfilled, Prithviraja gave rich presents and gifts to the suppliant princes, and sent them to their respective homes. He also allowed Shahabud-din8 to go to Multan, bestowing on him like gifts.

 Shahabud-din, though thùs well treated, felt bitterly mortified at the defeat he had sustained. Seven times after this did he advanced on Prithviraja to avenge his defeat, each time with greater preparations than before, but each was signally defeated by the Hindu monarch.

 When Shahábud-din saw that he could no conquer Prithviràj a either by the force of his arms or by the ingenuity of his stratagems and tactics, he communicated an account of his successive defeats to the king of the Ghataika^[१०] country and solicited his aid. This he obtained in the form of many horses and men from the king's army. Thus reinforced, Shahabud-din rapidly advanced upon Dehli, which he at once captured. The inhabitants were panic-stricken, and fled from the city in every direction. Prithvirãja was greatly surprised at this, and said that this Shāhābu'd-din was acting like a naughty child, for he had already been defeated several times by him, and as often allowed to go unmolesled to his capital. Prithviràja, elated with his former victories over the enemy, gathered the small force that was about him, and with this handful of men advanced to meet the invader.

 Slightly attended as the king was, Shahābu'd-din was greatly terrified as the news of the approach of the king, for he remembered too well the former defeats and humiliations sustained at his hands. In the night, therefore, he sent some of his confidential servants into the king's camp, and through them, with promises of large sums of money, he seduced from their allegiance the king's master of the horse and the royal musicians. He then sent a large number of his Muhammadans secretly to the enemy's camp, who entered it early in the morning, when the moon in the west had scarcely reached the horizon, and the sun was but beginning to illuminate the east.

 All was now uproar and confusion in the king's camp, Some cried out, “Oh, bravo comrades up and to your arms! Haste, haste! the enemy has approached and taken us by surprise. Let us fight and return conquerers to our homes or to heaven!" While the king's followers were thus preparing to meet their assailants, the disloyal master of the king's horse, as advised by his seducers, saddled and brought forth as the king's charger that day a horse styled Natyarambha ('leader of the dance'); and the musicians, who were waiting their opportunity, when the king had mounted, began to play upon their instruments tunes that were the king's favourites. At this the royal steed began to dance proudly, keeping time with the musicians. The king was diverted with this perfomance for a time, and forgot the all important business of the moment.

 The Muhammadans took advantage of the king's indolence and made a vigorous attack. The Rajputs, under the circumstances, could do little. Seeing this, Prithviraja alighted from his horse and sat on the ground. With the sword in his hand he cut down many Muhammadans. Meanwhile, a Muhammadan taking the king unawares from behind, threw his bow round his neck and drew the king prostrate to the ground,while other Muhammadans bound him captive. From this time the royal captive refused all food and rest.
 Prithviråja, before he set out to encounter to Shahâbu'd-dìn, had commanded Udayarāja to follow him to attack the enemy. Udayaraja^[११] reached the battlefield just about the time when the Muhammadans had succeeded in taking Prithviraja captive.But Shahàbu'd-dîn, fearing the consequences of further fighting with Udayaraja, retired into tho city, taking with him the captive monarch.
 When Udayaraja heard of the captivity of Prithviraja,his heart throbbed heavily with pain. He wished himself in the place of Prithviraja. He was unwilling to return back leaving the king to his fate. Such a course, he said, would be detrimental to his fair name, in his own country of Ghuradesha. He therefore laid siege to the city of the enemy (Yoginipura or Dehli, which Shahabu'd-dîn had taken possession of before this battle), and sat before the galos for a whole monlh, fighting day and night.

 One day during the siege, one of Shahābu'd-din's people went up to him and remarked that it would be becoming on his part, for once to release Prithviraja, who had several times taken

him captive and then dismissed him with honours. Shahabu'ddin was not pleased with this noble speaker, to whom he replied sharply that councillors like him were the sure (destroyers of kingdoms. The angry Shahābu'd-din then ordered that Prithviräja should be taken into the fortress. When this order was given, all the brave people hung their necks with shame; and the righteous, unable to suppress the tears gathering in their eyes, lifted them towards heaven. Prithviràja a few days after this breathed his last and went to heaven.
 When Udayarāja learnt of the death of his friend, he thought that the best place of abode for him now was that only whither his late friend had sped. He therefore gathered together all his followers and led them into the thickest of the battle, and there fell with his whole army, securing for himself and them eternal happiness in heaven.
 When Hariràja learnt the sad news of the death of Prithviràja, his sorrow knew no bounds. With tears gushing from his eyes, he performed the funeral ceremonies for the deceased monarch and then ascended the throne. He had not ruled long when the king of Guj'arāt, in order to Secure his favour, sent to him some dancing women from his country as presents.^[१२] These girls were exceedingly beautiful and highly accomplished, and they drew to themselves the king's heart so much that all his time was usually spent in their company, in listening to their music and seeing their dancing. At last matters came to such a pass that most of his revenues were squandered on musicians and dancers, and nothing was left with which to pay the salaries of the servants of the state, who naturally were disgusted with the king and his manners. His subjects also were dissatisfied.  Apprised of these circumstances, Shahabu'd-dîn thought this a favourable opportunily for destroying Harirāja and his power. He therefore marched his army into the country of Hariråja. Ever since the death of Prithvirâj, Hariraja had vowed not to see even the face of the hated Muslim, and he passed his time, as described, in the company of women. He therefore ill prepared to meet Shahābu'd-din in the battle-field. As a last rosource, Hariràja determined to perform the 'solo,’ He gathered together all the members of his family, and ascended the funeral pile along with them, and so went to the other world.
 Hariraja had no son, and Shahabud-din pressed his followers hard. In the utmost confusion and misery, therefore, they assembled in council to deliberate on the course they had best adopt. They were now, they said, without it leader, while their army was so disorganized that it could not look the enemy in the face. Shahábu'd-din, was a great warrior and they were weak. It was impossible that they should be able to protect themselves and their capital. They therefore resolved to abandon the country to its fate, and go and live under the protection of Govindaraja, the grandson of Prithviraja, and who, having been banished the kingdom by his father, had by his bravery acquired a new kingdom and established his capital at Ranathabhor. they accordingly gathered in all the remanants of Ajmer, Vacated by Hariraja's party, was now pillaged and burnt by Shahabud-din who took possession of the city.
 The followers of Hariraja were well recieved by Govindaraja and appointed to suitable offices in the kingdom. Govindaraja was paralyzed at the sad news of the fall of Ajmer and the death of Harirâja, to whom he paid the last rites. For some years after this Govindarâja ruled well and justly. At last he died añd went to heaven.  After Govindaraja, Balhana succeeded to the throne, Balhana had two sons - Prahlada, the elder, and Vagbhata, the younger. Being brought up and educated together, there was between them very great brotherly affection. When they came of age, their father, who had grown old and feeble placed his older son. Prahlada, upon the gadi and appointed the younger, Vagbhata, to the post of prime minister. The old king did not long survive this arrangement. Prahlada, was a just king and as he ruled mildly, his subjects were contented.
 One day, however, as fate would have it, he went out to the forest to hunt. The hunting party was a grand one. There were many dogs with them, and the party was dressed in blue clothes. Merrily they went that day over hill and dale, and the pray was unusually heavy. Many a mighty lion was made to bite the dust, While the party was thus engaged, the king saw a big lion lying at his cage in a patch of tall reed grass, and, being dexterous with his bow, aimed an arrow at the lion and killed him. The attendants of the king raised a shout of joy at this feat of royal archery, which had the effect of rousing from his slumbers another lion that was hard by, but of whose presence they were not aware. In an instant the brute rushed on the king with the swiftness of lightning, and ...oixing one of the king's arms in his mouth tore it from the body. This sad incident put stop to the sport, and the party bore the wounded monarch home, where the effects of the poison of the animal's bite terminated his life.
 The death-bed of the king was an affecting scene, He placed on the gâdi his son Viranarayana, and called to his presence

Vagbhata, his brother and minister, and said to him that the three qualities of bravery, penetration, and circumspection were the main stays of a monarch; but that these were acquisitions to which people attained in their majority. Rarely were they

24

possessed by inexperienced youths. "My son," said he, “ is yet

a child, and he knows only how to sleep and rise again lo play.

Be thou, therefore, such a guide to him that he may not come lo

ruin.”

Viranarayana from his very childhood was a naughty and

unmanageable boy, and Vågbhala, convinced of this, could

not find it in his heart to hold out the language of drained hope

to his dying and beloved brother, “My dear brother,” said he,

as the tears rushed down his cheeks, "you know that no one is

able to avert what is to happen. As for myself, I will serve the

prince as faithfully and as diligently as ever I have served you,"

Scarcely had Vågbhala finished his speech when the king

breathed his last,

When Vîranåråyana came of age, a marriage was arranged

between him and the daughter of the Kachhavaha prince of Jaya

pur, and he set out for Amarapur (Amber), the capital of

the Kachhavâha. On the way Viranarayana and his party

were pursued by Jalalud-din, and had to turn back to

Ranathambhor without being able to marry the Jayapurāni,

Here a greaț battle ensued but neither party obtained the adavan-

tage. Jalalud-din saw that it would be difficult to conquer

Viranarayana on the field, and therefore determined to

on trap him into his power by stratag.... For the present, there-

fore, he returned to his country; but after some days he sent a

very flattering message to Viranarayana through one of his

most trusted servants. The messenger represented to Virana-

rayana that he and Jalalud-din were the sun and moon in the

surrounding starry heaven of kings, and that his master, ex-

tremely pleased with the gallantry displayed by the prince in the

late war and sought his friendship. He also represented how good

it would be if they both lived in harmony and saw each other

frequently; how strong they both would be by this alliance,

which would be like the union of wind with fire, and which would

25

enable them to bear down all their many enemies. Jelalu'd-din,

said the envoy, now looked upon Víranãràyana as his brother,

and called upon the Almighty to witness if there was aught of

deceit in his heart. The envoy concluded by inviting the prince,

in the name of his master, to be the guest of the latter in his

capital, “Should your Majesty have any objection,” added the

wily man, “to accept of Jelâlu'd-din's hospitality, Jelâlu'd-din

himself will come to Ranathamber and pass a few days with

you,”

At this time there was ponding some feud between Viranarayana

and Vigraha, king of Vakshasthala pura. Bent upon chastising

Vigraha, Viranarayana gave a willing ear to the ambassador,

and resolved upon an alliance with Jelalu'd-din, Vågbhata

disapproved of this alliance with the wicked Muhammadans,

sought an interview with Viranarayana and spoke against it,

“An enemy,” said he, “is never changed to a friend, do what

service you may to him; and if you have any wish to live and

govern the kingdom, you must listen to the advice of your teachers

and elders, and avoid having aught to do with Jelâlu'd-din and the

Muslims.”

Viranarayana was inceused at his uncle's advice, and con-

temptuously asked him not to think of the cares of the state, as

they were now ill-suited to his old and weak mind; that he himself

was equal to the task of government and henceforth would do

and act as best pleased him. -

Vagbhala stung to the quick by this answer, left the palace and

departed for Mâlwfi. Other courtiers, too, after Vågbhala had left,

tried to dissuade the king from going to his enemy, but all failed,

Viranarayana at length went to Yoginipura, The wily Muslim came out

to receive him, and treated his guest apparently with the greatest respect.

The prince was delighted with his reception, and became much at

26

attached to Jelalu'd-din. After a few days' hospitality, however,” the prince was poisoned and died. The joy of the Muhammadans at this event was excessive, They exclaimed that now the whole tree was prostrate at their feet, and they could help themselves to any part of it, As the king was no more, and Vågbhata had left for Málwâ, Ramathamber was without, defenders, and easily fell into the hands of the enemy. Once in possession of Rana- thamber, Jelalu'd-din sent a message to the king of Malwa to say that Vågbhata should be put to death. The king of Málwa it appears lent a willing ear to this nefarious proposal, bub Vågbhata discovered the secret. He murdered the king of Málwa, and possessing himself of his throne, soon gathered round him many of the distressed Rájputs. Pos- sessed thus at once of a country and an army, he made a league with the Kharpurâs," who were already in arms against the Muhammadans. Vägbhata conducted the combined army to Ranathambher and reduced its Muslim garrison to such a plight that they vacated the fort. Thus Vagbhata and the Rajputs once more became masters of Ranathambhor.

It was Vágbhata's policy to station large forces at different posts along the frontier and thus to keep off his enemies. He died after a happy reign of twelve years, Vagbhata was succeeded by his son Jaitrasingh. His queen was named Hira Devl, who was very beautiful, and in every way qualified for her high position. In course of time, Hirâ Devi was found to be with child. Her ornving.. in this condition presaged the proclivition and greatness of the burden shé bore. At times she was possessed with a desire to bathe herself in the blood of the Muslims, Her husband satisfied her wishes, and atlast in an auspicious hour, she was delivered of a

---

"Forishta says "Khulars,” a Mongel tribe, who also seem to have invaded India at this time

27

son. The four quarters of the earth assumed a beautiful appearance; balmy winds began to blow ; tho sky became clear; the sun shone graciously; the king testified his joy by showering gold on the Brahmans, and by making thank offerings. The astrologers predicted, from the very favorable conjunction of the stars that presided over the child's nativity, that the prince would make the whole earth wet with the blood of the enemies of his country, the Muhammadans. Hammira (for that was name bestowed on the child) throvo and grew up a strong and handsome boy. He easily mastered the sciences, and soon grew an expert in the art of war. When he attained a proper age, his father had him, married to seven beautiful wives, Jaitrasingh, had two other sons also, Surattrana and Virama, who were great warriors. Finding that his sons were now able to relieve him of the burden of government, Jaitrasingh one day talked over the matter with Hammira, and, after giving him excellent advice as to how he was to behave he gave over the charge of the state to him, and himself went to live in the forest. This happened in Samvat 1330 (A.D., 1283)" Being endowed with the six gunas and the three .saktis Hammira now resolved to set out on a series of war like ex- peditions. Tho first place which he visited was Sarasapura, the capital of Raja, Arjuna. Here a battle was fought, in which Arjuna was defeated and reduced to submission. Next, the prince marched on Gadhamandala, which saved itself by paying tribute. From Gadhamandala, Hammira advanced upon Dhara. Here was reigning a Raja Bhoja, who, like his famous namesake, was the friend of poets. After defeating Bhoja, the army arrived at Ujjain, where the elephants,

---

The text runs as follows :- ततश्च , संवक्षधयन्हिचन्हिभूहायने माघवलक्षपक्षे । पौष्यां तिथैो हेलिदिने सपुष्ये ज्योप्तिर्विदादिष्टबले विलग्ने ॥

28

horses, and men bathed in the clear waters of the Kshipra, The prince also performed his ablutions in the river and paid his devotions at the shrine of Mahakala. In a grand procession he then passed through the principal streets of the old city. From Ujjain, Hammira marched to Chitrakota (Chitod), and ravaging Meda påha (Mewâd), went on to Mount Åbu. Though a follower of the Vedas, Hammira here worshipped at the temple of Rishabha deva,— for the great do not make invidious distinctions. The king was also present at a recitation in honour of Vastupal. He stayed for some days at the hermitage of Vasistha and bathing in the Mandakini, paid his devotions to Achalesvara. Here he was much astonished at seeing the works which Arjuna had executed. The king of Abu was a famous warrior, but his prowess little availed him at this juncture, and he was obliged to submit to Hammira. Leaving Αbu, the king arrived at Varddhanapura, which city he plundered and despoiled, Changi met with the same fate. Hence, by way of Ajmor, Hammira went to Pushkara, where he paid his devotions to Adivaraha (the primeval boar). From Pushkara the prince repaired to Sakambhari. On the way the towns of Marhata,” Khandilla, Chamdå, and Kånkroli were plundered. Tribhuvanendra came to see him at Kånkroli and presented to him many rich gifts. After having accomplished those brilliant exploits, Hammira. returned to his capital. The advent of the king caused a great commotion there, All the great officers of state, headed by Dharmasingh, came out in procession to receive their victorious monarch, The streets were lined by loving subjects eager to get a glimpse of their king.

---

“There is no town of this name that Hammira could have ravaged on his way to Sakambhari. There is such a town as Medata on the borders of Mor..d.

29

Some days after this, Hammira inquired of his spiritual guide; Visvarupa, as to the efficacy of the merits arising from the performance of a sacrifice called the Koti-yajña, and being answered by the high priest that admittance into Svarga-loka was secured by the performance of the sacrifice, the king ordered that preparations should be made for the Koti-yajña. Accord- ingly, learned Bråhmans from all parts of the country were convened, and the sacrifice was completed according to the ordi nances laid down for its performance in the holy Sästras. The Brahmans were sumptuously feasted, and handsome dakshinas were given to them. To crown all, the king now entered on the Munivrata, which he was to observe for an entire month, While these things were taking place at Ranathambher, many changes had occurred at Dehli, where 'Alau'd-din was now reigning, Apprised of what was passing at Ranatham- bher, he commanded his younger brother Ulugh Khān” to take an army with him into the Chohan country and to lay it waste. “Jaitra singh,” he said, “paid us tribute; but this son of his not only does not pay the tribute, but takes every - opportunity of showing the contempt in which he holds us, Here is an opportunity to annihilate his power.” Thus com- manded, Ulugh Khan invaded the Ranathahbher country with an army of 80,000 horse. When this army reached the Varanasi river, it was found that the roads which led into the enemy's country were not practicable for cavalry. Ulagh Khān, therefore, encamped here for some days, burning and destroying the villages in the neighbour-hood. The king at Ranathambher, not having yet completed the Munivrata, was unable to take the field in person, He therefore despatchéd his generals, Bhima singh and Dharma singh, to drive away the invaders. The king's army came

---

Malik Maizou'd-din Ulugh Khān, called “Aluf Khan" by Briggs in his

translation of Flrishlah, - ',

30

upon the invaders at a place on the Varnanasi, and gained a decisive advantage over the enemy, great numbers of whom were killed. Contenting himself with the advantage thus gained, Bhîmasingh began to retrace his steps towards Ranathambher, Ulugh Khān secretly following him with the main body of his army. Now it so happened that the soldiers of Bhimasingh, who had obtained immense booty, were anxious to carry it home safely, and, in their anxiety to do this, they out stripped their chief, who had around him only a small band of his personal followers. When Bhimasingh had thus gained the middle of the Hindavát pass, in the pride of victory he ordered the kettle drums and other musical instruments he had captured from the enemy to be vigorously sounded. This act had an unforeseen and disastrous consequence. Ulugh Khán had ordered his army to follow Bhima singh in small detachments, and had commanded them to fall on him wherever he should sound his martial instruments, which they were to understand as the signal, of some great advantage gained over the enemy. When the detached parties, therefore, of the Muhammadans heard the sound of the nagáras, they poured into the pass from all sides, and Ulugh Khān also coming up began to fight with Bhima- singh. The Hindu general for a time nobly sustained the unequal combat, but was at last wounded and killed. After gaining this signal advantage over the enemy, Ulugh Khán. returned to Delhi. Hammira, after the completion of the sacrifice, learnt the details of the battle and of the death of his general Bhima singh. He up braided Dharama singh for deserting Bhima singh and called him blind, as he could not see the Ulugh Khān was on the track of the army. He also called him impotent as he did not rush to the rescue of Bhima singh. Not content with thus upbraiding Dharma singh, the king

ordered the offending general to be blinded and castrated.

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Dharmasingh was also superseded in the command of the army by Bhoja Deva, a natural brother of the Rāja, and a sentence of banishment was passed upon him, but, at Bhoja's intercession, it was not carried out. Dharma singh, thus mutilated and disgraced, was bitterly mortified at the treatment he had received at the king's hands, and resolved to be avenged. In pursuance of his determination, he contracted an intimate friendship with one Radha Devi a courtesan, who was a great favourite at court, Rådhâ Devi kept her blind friend well acquainted every day as to what was passing at court. One day it so happened that Rádhá Dévi, returned home quite cross and dejected, and when her blind friend asked her the cause of her low Spirits, she answered that the king had lost that day many horses of the vedha disease, and consequently paid little attention to her dancing and singing, and that this state of things, in all probability, was likely to continue long. The blind man bade her be of good cheer, as he would see ere long that all was right again, She was only to take the opportunity of insinuating to the king that Dharma singh, if restored to his former post, would present the king with twice the number of horses that had lately died, Rádhá Dévi played her part well, and the king, yielding to avarice, restored Dharma singh to his former post. Dharma singh thus restored, only thought of revenge. He pandered to the king's avarice, and by his oppression and exactions reduced the rayats to a miserable condition and made them detest their monarch. He spared no one from whom anything could be got-horses, money, anything worth having.” The king, whose treasurỹ he thus replenished, was much pleased with his blind minister, who, flushed with success, now called on Bhoja to render an account of his department, Bhoja knew the

blind man grudged him his office, and going to the king he informed him of all Dharma singh’s schemes, and applied.

32

to him for protection from the minister's tyranny. But Ham- mira paid no attention to the representations of Bhoja, telling him that as Dharma Singh was entrusted with full powers, and could do whatever he thought proper, it was necessary others should obey his orders. Bhoja, when he saw that the king's mind was turned from him, submitted to his property being confiscated and brought into the king's coffers as ordered by Dharma Singh. As in duty bound, however, he still followed his chief where ever he went. One day the king went to pay his devotions at the temple of Vaijanath, and seeing Bhoja in his train, scornfully remarked to a courtier, who stood by, that the earth was full of vile beings; but the vilest creature on earth was the crow, who, though deprived of his last feather by the angry owl, still clung to his habitation on the old ****. Bhoja understood the intent of the remark, and that it was levelled at him. Deeply mortified, he returned home and communicated his disgrace to his younger brother Pitama. The two brothers now resolved to leave the country, and the next day Bhoja went to Hammira and humbly prayed to be allowed leave to undertake a pilgrimage to Banaras. The king granted his request, adding that he might go to Banaras or further if he chose,—that there was no danger of the town being deserted on his account. To this insolent Speech Bhoja made no reply, He bowed and withdrew, and soon after started for Banaras. The king was delighted at Bhoja Deva's departure, and he conferred the Kotwälship vacated by him on Rati pala. When Bhoja reached Shirása, he reflected ón the sad turn his affairs had taken, and resolved that the wanton insults heaped

upon him should not go un-avenged. In this mind, with his brother Pitama he went to Yogini pura and there waited upon Alauddin. The Muhammadan chief was much pleased with Bhoja's arrival at his court. He treated him with distinguished honour and bestowed upon him the town and

33

territory of Jagarh as a jahàgir. Henceforth Pitama lived here, and the other members of Bhoja's family, while he himself stayed at court. 'Alau’d-din's object was to learn Hammira's aflairs, and he therefore lavished presents and honours on Bhoja, who gradually became entirely devoted to the interests of his new master.

Convinced of Bhoja's devotion to his cause, ”Alâu’d-dîn one day asked him, in private, if there were any easy and practicable means of subduing Hammira. Bhoja answered that it was no easy matter to conquor Hammira, a king who was the terror of two kings of Kuntala, Madhyadeśa (Central India), Audadesá and the far Kanchi-a king who was master of the six gunds and the three saktis, and who commanded a vast and powersul army—a king whom all other kings feared and obeyed, and who had a most valiant brothor in Virama, the conqueror of many princeš–a king who was served by the fealess Mongol chiefs Mahimasahi and others, who, after defeating his brother, had deified Alauddin himself. Not only had Hammira able generals, said Bhoja, but they were all attached to him. Seduction was impossible save in one quarter. Ono man only had his price in the court Hammira. What a blast of wind was to a lamp, what the cloud was to the lotuses, what night was to the sun, what the company of women was to an ascetic, what avarice was to all other qualities, that was this one man to Hammira-the sure cause of disgrace and destruction. The present time, too, said Bhoja, was not ill suited for an expedition against Hammira. There was a bumper harvest this year in the Chohan country and if Álauddin could bùt snatch ìt from peasantry before it could be stored away he would induce them, as they already suffered from the blind man's tyranny, to forsake the cause of Hammira.

Alauddin liked Bhoja's idea,and forthwith commanded

Ulugh Khan to invade Hammira's country with an army of

34

100,000 horses. Ulugh Khân's army now poured over the land like an irrestible torrent-the chiefs through whose territories it passed bonding like reeds before it. The army thus roached Hindavat, when tho news of its approach and intention was carried to Hammir. Thereupon the Hindu king convened a council, and deliberated on the course they had best adopt. It was resolved that Virama and the rest of the eight great officers of state should go and do battle with the enemy. Accordingly, the king's generals divided the army into eight divisions, and fell on the Mohammadans from all the eight points of the compaşş at once. Vīrama came from the East, and Mahimasahi from the West.From the south advanced Jayadeva while Garbharuka advanced from the north. From the south-east came Ratipala, while Tichar Mongo directed the attack from the north-west. Ranamalla came from the north-east, while Vaichara chose the South west for the direction of attack.The Rajputs set to their work with vigour.

Some of them filled the enemy’s entrenchments with earth and rubbish, while others set on fire the wooden fortification raised by the Muhammadans. Others, again, out the ropes of their tents, 'The Muhammadans stood to their arms and vauntingly said they would mow down the Rajputs liko grass. Both sides foughl wilh desperate courage; but the Muhammadans at last gave way before the repeated attacks of the Rājputs. Many of them, therefore left the field and fled for their lives. After a time their example was followed by the whole of the Muhammandan army, which fled ignominiously from the battlefield leaving the Rajputs complete masters of it.

When the battle was over, the modest Rajputs went over the field to gather their dead and wounded. In this search they obtained much booty and arms, elephants and horses. Some of the enemy's women also fell into their hands. Rajputs forced them to sell buttermilk in every town they passed through.

35

Hammira was exceedingly delighted at the signal victory over the onemy gained by his generals. He held a grand darbár in honour of the event. In the durbar the king invested, Ratipala with a golden chain-comparing him, in his speech, to the war elephant that had richly deserved the golden band. All the other nobles and soldiers were also rewarded according to their deserts, and graciously ordered back to their respective homes.

All but the Mongol chiefs left the presence. Hammiram observed this, and kindly asked them the reason of their lagging behind. They answered that they were loath to shoathe their swords and retire to their houses before they had chastised the ungrateful Bhoja, who was enjoying himself in his jahagir at Jagard. On account of the relation in which he stood to the king, said they, they had upto this time allowed Bhoja to live; but he now no longer deserved this forbearace, as it was at his instigation that the enemy had invaded the Ranathambor territory. They therefore asked permission of the king to march Jagara amd attack Bhoja. The king granted the request, and at once Mongols left the palace for Jagara, They took the town by storm, and taking Pitama captivo, with many others, brought him back to Ranathambohor.

Ulugh Khan after his discomfiture hastily retired to Delhi and apprised his brother of what had happened. His brother taxed him with cowardice; bub Ulugh Khân exoused his flight by representing that it was the only course open to him, under the circumstances, which could enable him to have the pleasure of once more seeing his brother in this world, and have another opportunity of fighting with the Chohan. Scarcey had Ulugh Khandone with his excuses, when in came Bhoja, red with anger. He spread the cloth which he had worn as an upper garment on the ground, and began to roll upom it as one

36

possessed with an evil spirit, muttering incoherently all the while. Alau'd-dìn was not a liitle annoyed at this strange conduct, and inquired the reason of it. Bhoja replied that it would be difficult for him ever to forget the missfortune that had overtaken him that day; for Mahimasahi having paíd a visit to Jagara, had carried it by assault and dragged his broţher Pitama, into captivity before Hammira. Well might people now, said Bhoja, point the finger of scorn at him, and say, Here is the man who has lost his all in the hope of getting more., Hopeless and forlorn, ho could not now trust himself to lie on the earth, as it all belonged now to Hammira; and he had therefore spread his garment, on which to roll in grief which had deprived him of the power of standing.

Already the fire of anger was kindled in the breast of 'Alā'u'd.-din at the tale of the defeat his brother had sustained, and Bhoja's speech added fuel to the fire. Throwing to the ground, in the vehemence of his feelings, the turban he had on, he said Hammira's folly was like that of one who thought he could tread upon the lion’s mane with inpunity, and vowed he would exterminate the whole race of the Chohans. Then at once he despatched letters to the kings of various countries, calling upon them to join him in a war against Hammira. The kings of AngA, Telanga, Magadha, Maisur, Kalinga, Banga, Bhot, Modapat, Panchâl, Bangal ¹, Thamim, Bhilla, Nepal, Dahal, and some Himălayan chiefs, who also obeyed the summons, brought their respective quotas to swell the invading army. Amongst this miscellaneous host there were some who came on account of the love they bore to the goddess of war, while others were there who had been drawn into the ranks of the inwaders by the love of plunder. Others, again, only came to be spectators of the desperate fighting that was expected to

---

1. I spell those names as they are in the original.

37

take place. There was such a thronging of elephants, horses, chariots, and men that there was scarcely room for one to thrust a grain of lilu amidst the crowd. With this mighty concourse, the two brothers, Nusrat Khan and Ulugh Khan, started for ¡the Ranathambor country.

Alauddin with a small retinue stayed behind with the object of inspiring the Râjputs with a dread of the reserves that must have necessarily remained with him, their king.

The numbers in the army were so great that they drank up all the water of the rivers on the line of march. It was therefore found necessary not to halt the army longer than a few hours, in any one place. By forced marches, the two generals soon reached the borders of the Ranthambhor territory-an event which gave rise to conflicting sentiments in the minds of the invaders. Those that had taken no part in the late war said victory was now certain, as it was impossible the Rájputs should be able to withstand such troops as they were. The veterans of the last canpaign, however, took a different view of the matter, and asked their more hopeful comrades to remember that they were about to encounter Hammira's army, and that, therefore, they should reserve their vaunting until the end of the campaign.

When the pass was gained which was the scene of Ulugh Khan's 1 discomfiture and disgrace, he advised his brother not to place too mudh confidence in their power alone, but, as the place was a difficult one, and Hammira's army both strong and efficient, to try stratagem by sending some one on to the oourt of Hammira , there to try to while away some days in negotiations about peace, while the Army should safely cross the mountains and take up a strategical position. Nusrat Khån yielded to the superior experience of his brother, and Šri Molhana Deva was sent to propose the terms on which the Muhammadans would oonclude a peace with Hammira. Pending negotiations,

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Hammira's people allowed the invading army to cross the dangerous pass ummolested. The Khán now posted his brother on one side of the road known as the Mandi Road, and he himself occupied the fort of Sri Mandapa. The forces of the allied princes were stationed all round the tank of Jaitra Sågara.

Neither party was sincere. The Muhammadans thought they had artfully secured an advantageous position from whence to commence their operations; whilst the Rajputs were of opinion that the enemy had so far advanced into the interior that he could not now possibly escape them.

The Khán's ambassador at Ranathambhor admitted into the fort by the king's order, from what he saw there, was inspired with a dread of Hammira's power. However, he attended the darbār held to receive him, and, after the exchange of the usual courtesies, boldly delivered himself of the message with which he was charged. He said that he was deputed to the king's court as the envoy of Ulugh Khān and

Nusrat Khān, the two brothers of the celebrated 'Alā'u'd-din; that he had come there to impress on the king's mind, if possible, the futility of any resistance that he could offer to so mighty a conqueror as 'Alā'u'd-din, and to advise him to conclude a peace with his chief. He offered to Hammtra, as the conditions of peace, the choice between paying down to his chief a contribution of ône hundred thousand gold mohors, presenting him with four elephants and three hundred horses. And gving his daughter in marriage to Alauddin; or the giving up to him the four insubordinate Mongol chiefs, who, having excited the displeasure of his master, were now living under the protection of the king. The envoy added that if the king desired the enjoyment of his power and kingdom in peace, he had the opportunity at hand of sourcing his object by the adoption of either of these conditions, which would equally secure to him the good graces and assistance.

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of 'Alā'u'd-din, a monarch who had destroyed all his enemies, who possessed numerous strong forts and well-furnished arsenals and magazines, who had put to shame Mahādeva himself by capturing numerous impregnable forts, like Devagadha, whereas the fame of the god rests on the successful capture of the fort of Tripura alone.

H a m m î r a, who had listened with impatience to the ambassador's speech, was incensed at the insulting message delivered to him, and said to Śrī Molhana Deva that if he had not been there in the capacity of an accredited envoy, the tongue with which he uttered those vaunting insults should ere this have been cut out. Not only did Hammira refuse lo entertain either of the conditions submitted by the envoy, but on his part he proposed the acceptance by 'Alâu'd-dìn of as many sword-cuts as the number of the gold mohors, elephants, and horses he had the impudence to ask for, and told the envoy he would look upon the refusal of this martial offer by the Muhammadan chief as tantamount to his ('Alā'u'd-din's) feasting on pork. Without any further ceremony, the envoy was driven from the presence.

The garrison of Ranathambhor now prepared for resistance. Officers of approved ability and bravery were told off to defend various posts. Tents were pitched here and there on the ramparts to protect the defenders from the rays of the sun. Oil and resin were kept boiling in many places, ready to be poured on the bodies of any of the assailants to scald them if they dared come too near, and guns were mounted on suitable places. The Muhammadan army too, at last appeared before Ranathambhor. A desperate struggle was carried on for some days. Nuarat Khan killed by a random shot in one of the engagements¹, and the monsoon having set in, Ulugh Khan was obliged to stop all further operations. He retired in some distance from,

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1. Elliot and Dowson's History, vol. III, p. 172—ED. .

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the fort, and sent a despatch to 'Alåu’d-dî n, informing him of the critical situation he was in. He also sent him in a box Nusrat Khān's body for burial. Upon this intelligence reaching 'Alāu'd-din, he started at once for Ranathanbhor. Arrived there, he immediately marched his army to the gates of the fort and invested it.

Hammira, to mark his contempt of these proceedings, had caused to be raised, on many places over the walls, flags of light wickerwork. This was as much as to say that 'Alā'u'd-din's advent before the fort was not felt to be a burden to, or an aggravation of, the sufferings of the Rajputs, The Muhammadan chief at once saw that he had to deal with men of no ordinary resolution and courage, and he sent a message to Hammira saying he was greatly pleased with his bravery, and would be glad to grant any request such a gallant enemy might wish to make. Of course this was bidding in some way for peace. Hammira however, replied that as 'Alā'u'd-din was pleašed to grant anything he might set his heart upon, nothing would gratify him so much as fighting with him for two days, and this request he hoped would be complied with. The Muhammadan chief praised very much this demand, saying it did justice to his adversary's courage, and agreed to give him battle the next day. The contest that ensued was furious and desperate in the last degree. During these two days the Muhammadans lost no less than 85,000 men. A truce of some few days being now agreed upon by both the belligerents, fighting ceased for a time.

On one of these days the king had Rådhà Devi dancing before him on the wall of the fort, while there was much company round him. This woman, at stated and regular intervals, well understood by those who understand music, purposely turned her

back towards Alaud-din, who was sittling below in his tent not far from the fort, and who could well see what was passing on the fort wall. No wonder that he was incensed at this conduct, and

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indignantly asked those who were about him if there was any among his numerous followers who could, from that distance, kill that woman with one arrow. One of the chiefs, present answered that he knew one man only who could do this, and that man was Uddanasingh, whom the king had in captivity. The captive was at once released and brought before Alauddin, who commanded him to show his skill in archery against the fair target. Uddanasingh did as he was bid, and in an instant the form of the courtesan, being struck, fell down headlong from the fort Wall.

This incident roused the ire of Mahimasahai, who requested, permission of the king to be allowed to do tho same service to 'Alauddin that he had done to poor Radha Devi. The king replied that he well knew the extraordinary skill in archery possessed by his friend, but that he was loth 'Alā'u'd-din should be so killed, as his death would deprive him of a valiant enemy with whom he could at pleasure hold passages of arms. Mahimasahi then dropped the arrow he had adjusted on his bowstring on Uddanasingh, and killed him, This feat of of Mahimasingh intimidated 'Alauddin that he at once removed his camp from the eastern side of the lake to its western side, where there was greater protection from such attacks, When the camp was removed, the Râjputs were able to perceive that the enemy, by working underground, had prepared mines, and had attempted to throw over a part of the ditch a temporary bridge of wood and grass carefully covered over with earth. The Rajputs destroyed this bridge with their cannon, and, pouring burning oil into the mines, destroyed those that were working underground. In this manner all 'Alauddin's efforts to take the fort were frustrated. At the same time he was greatly harassed by the rain, which now fell in torrents. He therefore sent a message to Hammira, asking him kindly to send over to his camp Ratipala, as he desired very much to speak with him, with a view to an amicable settlement of the differences subsisting between them.

The king ordered Ratipala to go and hear what 'Alā'u'd-din had to say, Ranamalla was jealous of Ratipala's influence, and did not at all like that he should have been chosen for this service.

Alā'u'd-din received Ratipala with extraordinary marks of honour. Upon his entering the darbār tent, the Muhammadan chief rose from his seat, and, embracing him, made him sit on his own gáddi, while he himself sat by his side. He caused valuable presents to be placed before Ratipala and also made promises of further rewards. Ratipala was delighted wilh such kind treatment. The wily Muhammadan, observing it, ordered the rest of the company to leave them alone. When they had all left, he began to address Ratipala. “I am,” said he, “'Alauddin, the king of the Muhammadans, and I have up to this time stormed and carried hundreds of fortresses. But it is impossible for me to carry Ranathambhor by force of arms. My object in investing this fort is simply to get the fame of its capture. I hope now (as you have condescended to see me) I shall gain my object, and I may trust you for a little help in the fulfilment of my desire. I do not wish for any more kingdoms and forts for myself. When I take this fort, what better can I do than bestow it on a friend like you? My only happiness will be the fame of its capture.” With blandishments such as those, Ratipala was won over, and he gave 'Alá'u'd-dîn to understand so. Thereupon Alau'ddin, to make his game doubly sure, took Ratipala into his harem and there left him to eat and drink in private with his youngest sister¹.” This done, Ratipala left the Muhammadan camp and came back into tho fort.

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"1. At first sight this statement might seem to be a fancy of the author intended to blacken the character of the victor. But we read that such things were quite possible in the tribes which the conqueror belonged. A slipper at

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Ratipala was thus gained over by 'Alâu'ddin. Therefore, when he saw the king, he did not give him a true account of what he had seen in the Muhammadan Camp, and of what 'Alâu'd-dîn had said to him. Instead of representing ’Alau'd-din' power as fairly broken by the repeated and vigorous attacks of the Rājputs, and he himself as willing to retire upon a nominal surrender of the fort, he represented him as not only bent upon exacting the most humilialing marks of submission on the part of the king, but as having it in his power to make good his threats. 'Alau'd-dîn confessed, said Ratipala, that the Râjputs had succeeded in killing some of his soldiers; but that mattered little, 'for no one could look upon the contipede as lamo for the loss of a foot or two, Under these circumstances he advised Hammira to call upon Ranamalla in person that night, and persuade him to do his best in repolling the assailants; for Ranamulla, said the traitor Ratipala, was an uncommon warrior, but that he did not, it appeared, use his utmost endeavours in chastising the enemy as he was offended with the king for something or other. The king's visil, alleged Ratipala, would make matters all right again.

After this interview with the king, Ratipala bastoned to see Ranamalla and there, as if to oblige and save from utter destruction an old comrade and associate, informed him that, for some unknown reason, the king's mind was greatly prejudiced against him, and he advised him to go over to the enemy on the first alarm; for he said Hammira had resolved to make him a prisoner that very night. He also told him the hour at which he might expect to be visited by the king for this purpose, 'Having done this, Ratipala quietly waited to see the issue of the mischief ho had so industriously sown,

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the doer of his wife's room is a sign well understood by a husband in this tribe, at sight of which he immediately takes care to retire from the house, See Tod, vol, I, p. 50,

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Virama, the brother of Hammira, was with him when Ratipāla paid him the visit, and he expressed his belief to his brother that Ratipala had not spoken the truth, but had been seduced from his allegiance by the enemy. He said he could smell liquor when Ratipala was speaking, and a drunken man was not to be believed. Pride of birth, generosity, discornment, shame, loyalty, love of truth and cleanliness, were qualities, said Virama, that were not to be expected to be the possessions of those that drink. In order to stop the further progress of sedition among his people, he advised his brother to put Ratipala to death. But the king objected to this proposal, saying that his fort was strong enough to resist the enemy under any circumstauces; and if by any unforeseen accident, it should fall into the hands of the enemy after he had killed Ratipāla, people would moralize on the event, and attribute their fall to their wickedness in putting to death an innocent man.

In the meantime, Ratipāla caused a rumour to be spread in the king's Ranawas that 'Alau'd-din only asked for the hand of the king's daughter, and that he was ready to conclude a peace if his desires in this respect were granted, as he wanted nothing else. Hereupon the king's wives induced his daughter to go to her father and express her willingness to bestow her hand on 'Alâu'd-dîn, The girl went where her father was sitting, and implored him to give her to the Muhammadan, to save himself and his kingdom. She said she was as a piece of worthless glass, whilst her father's life and kingdom were like the chintamani, or the wish-granting philosopher's stone; and who solicited him to cast her away to retain them.

The king's feelings quite overcame him as the innocent girl, with clasped hands, thus spoke to him. He told her she was a mere child and was not to be blamed for what she had been taught to speak. But he knew not what punishment they deserved who had the imprudence to put such ideas into her innocent

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head. It did not, said he, become a Rājput to mulilate females; else he should have cut out the tongues of those that uttered such blasphomy in his fair daughter's ears. “Child,” said Hammira, “you are yet too young to undersland these matters, and there is not much use in my explaining them to you. But to give you away to the unclean Muhammadan, to enjoy life, is to me as loathsome as prolonging existence by living on my own flesh. Such a connection would bring disgrace on the fair name of our house, would destroy all hopes of salvation, and embitter our last days in this world. I will rather die ten thousand deaths than live a life of such infamy,” He censed, and ordered his daughter, kindly but firmly, to her chamber.

The unsuspecting king then prepared to go, in the dusk of the evening, to Ranamalla's quarters, in order to remove his doubts, as advised by Ratipàla. The king was but slightly attended. When, however, he approached Ranamulla's quarters, the latter remembered what Ratipala had said to him, and, thinking his imprisonment was inevitable if he stopped there any longer, precipitately left the fort with his party and went over to 'Alā'u'll-dîn, Šeelng this, Ratipala. also did the same.

The king, thus deceived and bewildered, came back to the palace, and sending for the Kothari (the offlcer in charge of the royal granaries) inquired of him as to the state of the Stores, and how long they would hold out. The Kothári, fearing the loss of his influence, if he were to tell the truth to the king all that time, falsely answered that the stores would suffice to hold out for a considerable time. But scarcely had this officer turned his back when it became generally that there was no more corn in the state granaries. Upon the news reaching the king's cars, he ordered Virama to put Ihe false Kothari to dealh, and to throw all the wealth he possessed into the lake of Padma Sagar,

Harassed with the numerous trials of that day, the king in .

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utter exhaustion threw himself on his bed. But his eyes were strangers to sleep that dreadful night. It was too much for him to bear the sight of those whom he had treated with more than a brother's affection, one by one, abjuro themselves and leave him alone to his fate. When the morning came, he performed his devotions, and came and sat in the darbār hall, sadly musing on the critical situation. He thought that, as his own Rajputs had left him, no faith could be placed in Mahimasahi, at once a Muhammadan and an alien. While in this mood, he sent for Mahimasahi, and said to him that, as a true Rajput, it was his "duty to die in the defence of his kingdom; but he was of opinion it was improper that people who were not of his race should also lose their lives for him in this struggle, and therefore now it was his wish that Mahimasahi should name to him some place of safety where he could retire with his family, and thithor he would see him escorted safely,

Struck by the king's generosity, Mahimaśåhi, without giving any reply, went back to his house, and there put lo the sword all the inmates of his zanána, and returning to Hammira said that his wife and children were ready to start off' but that the formed insisted on once more looking upon the face of the king, to whose favour and kindness the family had owed so long their protection and happiness. Tho king acceded to this request and, accompanied by his brother Virama, went to Mahimasahi's house. But what was his sorrow and surprise when he saw slaughter in the house. 'The king embraced Mahimasahi and began to weep like a child. He blamed himself for having asked him to go away, and know not how to repay such extraordinary devotion. Slowly, therefore, he came back to the palace and giving up everything for lost, told his people that they were free to Act as they should think proper. As for himself, he was prepared to die charging the enemy. In preparation for this,the females of his family headed by Ranga Devî, perished

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on the funeral pile, When the king's daughter prepared to ascend the pile, her father was overcome with grief. He embraced her and refused to separate, She, however, extricated herself from the paternal embrace, and passed through the fiery ordeal, When there remained nothing but a heap of ashes, the sole remains of the fair and faithful Cholumbus, Hammira performed the funeral ceremonies: for the dead, and cooled their manos with a last ovation of the tilanjali. He then, with the remains of his faithful army, sallied out of the fort and fell upon the enemy. A deadly hand-to-hand struggle ensued. Virama a fell first in the thickest of the battle; then Mahimasahi; was shot through the heart, Jåja, GangadharTak, and Kshotra singh Paramàra followed them. Lastly fell the mighty Hammira, pierced with a hundred shafts, Disdaining to fall with anything like life into the enemy's hands, he severed, with one last effert, his head from his body with his own hands, and so terminaled his existence. Thus fell Hammira, the last of the Chohans. This sad event happened in the 18th year of his reign, in the month of Sravana.

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the Tarkhi'Alfio of Amir Khushr gives the date as 3rd Zt.1 Ka'da, A.,II, 70 (July 1301 A.D.); the siege began in Rajab, four months previously,–Elliot and Dowson's History, vol. III, pp. 76, 179, 540,

1. Our poet also says that he was baited to the composition of this poem by a rash assertion, which some courtiers of King 'Tomara Viranna, had the presumption to make in the presence of our poet, that there existed no one now who could compose a poem that would come up to the excellence of the works of old Sanskrit poets. King Tomitta Viranna, whoever he was, appears to have lived seventy years before Akbar.
2. Perhaps our author had in view the following lines of Dhanan-Jaya:–-
   अपशब्दशतं माघे भारवौ तु शतत्रयम् ।
   कालिदासे न गण्यते कविरेको धनंजयः ॥
3. Probably everybody has heard of the Rāghava Páñdaviya Kāvya, every line of which can be so construed as to apply to either Räma or the Pándavas, at the option of the reader. I have recently been shown a Kávya called the Sapta Sandhan Mahakavya, by Megha Vijaya Gani, a learned Jain of recent times, every verse of which can be made to apply alike to Rāma, Krishna, and Jinendra. In thể present Kầvyạ the first sloka of tha Nắndi is addressed to tho Paranjyotis—‘the diving flame,'—a manifestation of the divine being in whom both Hindus and Jainas, especially the Kovali Jainas, believe. The second sloka is addressed to Nābhibhū, which may mean the Bramhá of the Hindus, or the son of Nābhi (Rishabha Deva), the first Tirthankara of the Jainas. The third is addressed to Šri Pārśva, whom the Hindus may take for Vishnu, the Jainas for Srt Pārśvanātha, the 23rd Tirthankara. The 4th sloka is addressed to Šuukura Viravibhu, which may mean dither Mahādeva or Mahāvīra, the 24th Jain Tirthankara. The fifth verse is addressed to Bhāsvān Sašānti, who may either stand for the Sun, or Śānti, the 16th Jain Tirthankara. The sixth is addressed to Samudra Janman, which may be either the Moon, or Neminâth, son of Samudra, the 22nd Jain Tirthankara.
4. The Chaturbhuja” Chohan, as described by Ted, issued, like the other three proġonitors of the Agnilkulas--Parmvira, Parihara, Chalukyaa-from the Agni Kunda, the sacrificial fire fountain. But the genesis is described differently in different books. Perhaps where there is no truth we must not exepect find concord.
5. Acquisition of artha(wéalth), kama(love)and moksha (salvation)
6. According to the Gujarati chroniclers, Mula Raja reigned from 998-1053 Α.ν., i.e, 55 years. Soon after his succession to the throne he was assailed by two armies—that of the Sapadalakshiya, Râja of Sakâmbhari (Sâmbhar, and that of Bârapa, tha general of Tailapa of Kaliyân see Ind. Anl, vol. VI, p, 181, Sapadalakshiya might be a biruda of Vigraha Råja, [Bhagavanlál Indraji points out that Sapādalaksa or Sayãlakha is the name of the Sivalik hills, and that the early rājas of Kammun called themselves Sapadalakshanripatis; and that the Sakmbhart rajas may have originally come from that country.]
7. Is this Karandava the same with the Karundeva of Gujarat, the fifth in descent from Mula Rāja I,? His date as given by Dr. Bühler, is 1068-l093 Ꭺ.D. Dušala is sixth in descent from Vigraha, tho enemy of Mulà Raja; see Ind. Ant. vol VI. p. 180.
8. Wilford inserts Samanta Deva, Mahadeva, Ajayasimha, Varasimha, Viindasura, and Vairi Vihanta,
9. Tod, Raj. vol.II. p. 441, Ten more names are giyen in Bombay Government Selections, vol. III, p. 193; and Prinsep's Antinuities by Thomas, vol II Us. Tab.p.947
10. Might not this be a name for the modern Kumbheri
11. This must be the famous Udayaditya Puwar of Malwa, mentioned by Chandas the great friend and ally of Prithviraja.
12. Gujarat in ancient times was famous for the number and beauty of its dancing girls. One of its kings was forced to give his daughter in marriage to an ancient Persian king, who took with him from the country 1200 dancing girls.The professional dancing girls of Persia are said have been the descendants of this stock. Vide Ás. Res, vol. IX., “Bickram and Sālibahan.”